If there were a position more apathetic than boycotting and at the same time more contemptuous than revoking one’s vote, I would have taken it with regards to the current constitutional referendum.
Some have formed what they perceive as a practical and balanced position on the constitution using the following rationale: Despite its defects, which cannot be currently resolved given the power balance (that granted special privileges to the Armed Forces) and society’s sectarianism (that obstructed religious freedoms), it is still necessary to accept these deficiencies in the document in order to support the “political roadmap.”
My position is not influenced by the articles of the draft constitution, nor by the ridiculous preamble formulated by renowned poet, Sayed Hijab, which reminds me of a scene from the film, “Al-Sahir” (The Magician) starring Mahmoud Abdel Aziz. In the scene, Abdel Aziz advises Sayed Assab, the old macho character in the movie, to calm down a little after the latter’s comical demonstration of his fighting tactics, lest he gets hemorrhoids. Inciting Abdel Aziz to show him his fighting skills, Assab passes out after the first punch.
My position is also not influenced by the strength of the articles, as the text is not all that bad. On the contrary, some of the articles are pretty good, and I understand that the power balance at such times cannot be over-ridden. But, I would have reluctantly supported this document, had the political roadmap been less despicable.
I can not overlook the reeking smell of this political roadmap, and I cannot find any words to describe my feelings towards it, except to unfortunately quote television host, Amr Adeeb’s, comment on the Brotherhood’s roadmap: “It is a God damn fiasco.”
My position on the July 3, 2013 coup is similar to my views on the military’s actions on July 23, 1952, and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces’ (SCAF’s) ploy on February 11, 2011. I am not an idiot to defend the legitimacy of Egypt’s last monarch, overthrown by the army in 1952, or the champion of the first airstrike, Hosni Mubarak, who was ousted in 2011, or the Islamo-fascists, who were toppled in 2013. But, at the same time, I cannot trust the military’s intervention in any of these instances. In fact, the Armed Forces are the historical backbone of the Egyptian state, but also the contemporary mainstay of its deep crises. The Armed Forces also headed a series of atrocious roadmaps in the past and are doing so in the present.
My motto has always been: Do not cry over spilled filth, and lets see the trash bin half full. I had believed that this waste container that we are living in requires quite a bit more vigorously deep turbulence and shaking to empty out all of its trash.
But, instead of continuing to shake off the wretchedness, we are currently stuck with a political wave that is establishing a “one man” or “the alpha male” coup, hoping to end the “disturbance.”
The government’s democratic wing has gradually vanished, and we can only talk now about non-criminal elements, thinking of fending off the offenses of the criminal wing.
Setting aside political ethics, the crisis lies in the fact that such state crimes ultimately do not pay off, and the “alpha male’s” hyper masculinity will never be enough to satisfy all his wooers.
I also believe that Egypt’s democratic groups do not currently have enough support to protect a purely democratic path. Therefore, I do not have a purgatory position vis-à-vis this political mess, but in order to support a roadmap, and overlook some bungling, it has to at least be heading towards democracy.
The current political roadmap is nothing more than a series of wooing to crimes, and hailing the return of Islamists to prisons. The crisis is that people are celebrating their victory in a one-sided battle, where only one player is shielded.
The enemy is kicked out of the political arena altogether, and is being “handled” by the security apparatus that is waging a war against us all. The authorities are stepping over thousands of Egyptians, inciting anger inside universities, and blackmailing anyone suspected of working with the Brotherhood.
In the midst of all this, the wooers have not paused to ask their criminal heroes whether the protest law has stopped the demonstrations. And they will never dare to hold the authorities accountable to their claim that the passing of this draft constitution and managing more procedures of ballotocracy will bring about stability. The irony is that no one will now dare to protest against a constitution passed by “the people,” and an institution elected by “the people,” which is exactly what happened on June 30.
The ruling pact is treading the path of the Brotherhood rulers who preceded it: A quick win at the ballots to gain legitimacy, and then trash democracy. But the current criminal pact realizes that the Brotherhood’s rule failed because they were not able to subdue the oppressive arms of the state, particularly the judiciary and the police.
Those oppressive arms are now part of the ruling pact, which is betting on succeeding in keeping the Brothers and the Islamists in general in prison, so that it continues to dominate. This formula is a come back of the Mubarak-era strategy of rule, particularly in the way in which it is searching for stability via a constrained political path, guided by the security apparatus, so that it keeps its strongest enemies away and the rest restrained by the fear of an Islamist/terrorist takeover.
Even if this path succeeds at first, it will ultimately rot or face explosive scenarios.
As for any talk about democracy, stability or security at this moment, one can only respond by saying, “Say Whaat!?”
This article has been translated from Arabic; read the original version here.